Establishing Law and Order After Conflict

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Arbitrary or politicized sentencing, an incompetent or corrupt judiciary, and inhumane prison conditions quickly undermine the benefits that come from better policing. Research indicates a set of minimum resource levels for reconstructing security. International troop levels should be at least 1, soldiers per , inhabitants and international police levels should be at least police officers per , inhabitants.

This should rise to officers per , inhabitants after five years. There are numerous benefits to be gained from negotiating peace treaties or formal surrenders. Any security gap should be filled quickly with U.

Establishing Law and Order after Conflict

A comprehensive doctrine for post-conflict internal security reconstruction should be developed internationally. The U. Focus should be placed on outcome measures to shape programs. The mission of ISE is to improve the development, operation, use, and protection of society's essential built and natural assets, and to enhance the related social assets of safety and security of individuals in transit and in their workplaces and communities.

Law and order (politics)

Wilson , Andrew Rathmell , K. Jack Riley Limited preview - Jack Riley No preview available - Bibliographic information. Jack Riley , Andrew Rathmell RAND , - History - pages 0 Reviews This study contains the results of research on reconstructing internal security institutions during nation-building missions.

It is a matter of course that criminal justice should be implemented. However, why do we need international criminal tribunals that may override the jurisdiction of national courts? In this section I shall point out some "strategies" for peace operations which the tribunals are expected to fulfill prior to national counterparts: international legitimacy and international indictments.

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Before highlighting the strategies of international criminal tribunals, it is instructive to contemplate the difference between the international tribunals and "truth commissions," in order to identify the international necessity of criminal tribunals. They did not prosecute and punish criminals but uncovered "truths" of crimes in order to achieve national reconciliation.

The significant feature is that all the countries that established truth commissions in Latin America were dominantly Catholic. It is naturally assumed that truth commissions took shape in accordance with Catholic values like confession and forgiveness.

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The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa seemed to have a similar orientation, since it aimed at disclosing atrocities during the apartheid era, but it never meted out punishments or compensation. The principal aim of truth commissions is national reconciliation. In order to facilitate the reconciliatory process, they make hidden crimes public. The philosophy behind such attempts is that truth, not punishment, contributes to reconciliation.

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Criminals must be penitent and victims should be encouraged to forgive them in order to construct a new society together. This is a spiritual intercourse between criminals and victims to renew a disrupted society as one. There is no role for outsiders except supporting their spiritual efforts toward reconciliation behind the scene. The third party as a mediator must also be a member of the same society. The parties and stakeholders of conflicts organize truth commissions with the aim of national reconciliation. By contrast, the ICTY and ICTR are a form of intervention by outside actors in internal affairs of conflict-torn-areas, while the term "internal" connotes ambiguity.

Tocker, ; Scheffer, ; Kerr, Obviously, the form of intervention is not military; but it is dictatorial in nature, which satisfies the condition of intervention.

It is not a "humanitarian intervention" which aims to stop violence or save victims of conflicts directly. However, the overall purpose of the tribunals coincides with other forms of humanitarian intervention with respect to humanitarian concern for victims in conflict-ridden-areas. The ICTY's relationship with peacekeeping forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the Bosnian war indicates a critical juncture of judicial organs with military forces.

It is true that one of the specified objectives of the ICTR is national reconciliation. It is worth pointing out that the ICTR is the first international tribunal established for national reconciliation in history. Yet, the Security Council did not unequivocally address a logical link between international peace and national reconciliation through such a compulsory tribunal.

The relevant questions were raised by the representative of Rwanda in the Security Council when he voted against the Resolution to establish the ICTR. Goldstone praises the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and expects similar measures to be achieved on the international scene. For him, national attempts are supposed to facilitate national reconciliation, but international interventions are not. Krasner, It seems that the effect of national reconciliation by an international tribunal is rather limited.

If international tribunals are needed, it is because national courts cannot discharge their proper functions or international tribunals have the mission which national court do not fulfill. International tribunals work where and when national courts cannot work properly. The credential of judicial intervention is that there are usually no appropriate judicial systems or no sufficiently legitimate organs in post-conflict disrupted societies. In the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the government and perpetrators are military opponents.

Chandrasekaran, In post-conflict situations, there is a need for the third party to intervene in order to establish a transcendental point of view for judicial judgements. The authority of universal rules embodied in international humanitarian law and international human rights places a foundation of the rule of law in domestic society upon which national reconciliation could be enhanced. The existence of fundamental rules that were not subject to regional conflicts is expected to be contributory to pinning the ethical standard of conflict-ridden areas. International criminal tribunals are not therefore obliged to give judgements to each perpetrator; it demonstrates that internationally recognized justice directly applies to conflict-saturated domestic society.

The rule-of-law strategy intends to secure the legitimacy of the international judicial process, while never seriously violating national mechanisms. The major difference between international tribunals and truth commissions that the latter abstain from punishments for the purpose of reconciliation reveals the strategy of punishments or indictments for the former. Of course, normal national courts make judgements, but the effect of prosecutions is limited when it comes to crimes between warring parties. The function of issuing internationally valid indictments of major political figures, even when there is a little prospect of arresting them, is a significant strategy for peace operations.

Judicial intervention functions as a peacemaking organ by indicting war leaders and giving a ground for their arrest and detention. Even when intervention does not result in the detention of prosecuted perpetrators, indictments theoretically work to deter further atrocities. It could also work as a bargaining chip. Schuett, , p.

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Physical detentions may become a politically significant factor, once a well-trained international police force is established. The Prosecutor issued indictments of principal war leaders like Mladic and Karadzic, who have not been arrested due to the lack of political will and practical difficulties. However, if proper police forces with requisite authority had existed to implement the indictments, the international tribunal might have taken on the role of strategically targeting war crimes leaders to eliminate them as destabilizing factors in a peace operation in post-conflict situations, if not during a war.

Establishing Law and Order After Conflict

The Dayton Agreement in particular made the arrest of criminals a matter of political discretion. Gaeta, ; Jones, Even in case international forces chose not to arrest criminals for political reasons, they still keep options to resort to police actions, which would widen their discretional scope. As regards the ICTR, which was established after the termination of the genocide and the civil war, the function of peacemaking and peacekeeping is less clear.

Still, given the unstable political situation in Rwanda and hostilities toward the Rwandan government by the leaders of the genocidal regime living outside Rwanda, the indictments and detentions of criminals were not insignificant from the perspective of peacekeeping. In fact, the most successful story of the ICTR is extradition of a number of high ranking officials and politicians responsible for the genocide, who were arrested in numerous countries.

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It could be argued that restraints on the freedom of movement of war-crimes leaders are important in order to prevent conflicts from expanding. Many insist that indictments serve mostly to hamper peace processes, because they discourage those who control military forces from compromising on peace deals. Krasner, ; Olonisakin, , pp. After visiting Belgrade and meeting with the new Serb President, Vojislav Kostunica, in January , the incumbent Prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, pointed out that there were such concerns in Belgrade as "Cooperation would add another element of destabilization" or "Those prosecuted by the UN would become heroes.

Del Ponte, Still, one may argue that the indictment of Milosevic was politically calculated. The timing of the issuance of the indictment could be interpreted as the time that Western leaders no longer regarded Milosevic as a peace-accord-broker. He became a direct enemy of "the international community" represented by Western countries during the Kosovo war in Shinoda, like Saddam Hussein of Iraq has been regarded as a "rogue" to be eliminated.

The situation is differently complex in Rwanda. An incident over and concerning Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza indicates a subtle tension between legalism and the political mission of the ICTR. For the reason of the violation of rights as a result of the prolonged delay of the trial of the accused, Barayagwiza, who was arrested in Cameroon on 15 April , the Appeals Chamber ordered on 3 November that he be released and delivered to Cameroon. ICTR, The government of Rwanda became furious because Barayagwiza was the policy director of the foreign ministry of the former government, and even announced suspension of cooperation with the ICTR.

Given that the genocide took place within the Rwandan territory and the Prosecutor's office is located in Kigali, the termination of Rwandan cooperation would have meant a death blow to the ICTR. The Prosecutor made best efforts to reverse the decision of the Appeals Chamber, which eventually came true on 31 March Rwanda resumed its normal relationship with the ICTR. Metcalfe, a Barayagwiza later declined to attend the trial and other detainees in Arusha went on general strike to support him.

They not only complained about the ICTR as "the victor's justice," but also protested against the political pressure from Kigali. Metcalfe, b; ICTR, c. Another political controversy arose when a revelation was made by a Canadian paper The National Post in that a UN prosecution investigator once investigated the RPF incumbent government leaders' involvement in the attack upon the airplane that killed President Habyarimana in Because the clash triggered off the genocide and is generally understood as a plot of Interahamwe militias, the revelation caused a heavy impact upon the government of Rwanda.

The memorandum was put under seal ICTR, a and the Prosecutor decided not to investigate the incident, Panafrican News Agency, ; Kimani, a although the memorandum was later made available to some defense counsels. ICTR, b; Kimani, b All these show how difficult and political it is to issue indictments or even start investigations. The "conditional" approach toward peace and justice would evaluate positive and negative factors of the process of issuing indictments. It demands discretion to say go and stop.

The ad hoc tribunals were granted judicial independence despite the fact that they were directly created by the Security Council under Chapter VII.

The channels for such discretion are thus institutionally limited due to the tribunals' independence, but the Security Council can anytime decide to terminate the operation of the tribunals. The Council's power to suspend investigations and prosecutions under the Statute of Rome will be resorted to as a channel of discretion to put political restraints on the actions of judicial intervention. In this section, I shall consider the way international criminal tribunals facilitate the "culture" of the rule of law in the long term.

The characteristic effect of judicial intervention is increased focus upon individual responsibility; criminal justice dissolves collective guilt into individual crimes. The concept of punishing war crimes relies on the degree of individualization of international legal structures. It used to be understood that international law did not know individuals, but only states. However, it is nowadays widely recognized that recent changes in legal and normative structures of international society do not allow for such a simplistic state-centric view.

By individualizing war crimes, we are on the way to a culture of the rule of law, which also illustrates positive and negative aspects of judicial intervention. Judicial intervention makes a clear contrast with traditional approaches of military and political interventions. Military interventions for humanitarian purposes aim at collective criminal acts. This does not mean that the intervening forces are not concerned with individual leaders.

However, the principal and foremost function of military intervention is to stop violence, whether perpetrators on the ground are legally responsible or not. Political efforts toward conflict resolution normally do not concern individual responsibility, while respecting the control of political organs by individual leaders.

Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict Establishing Law and Order After Conflict
Establishing Law and Order After Conflict

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