Global governance refers to the political interaction that is required to solve problems that affect more than one state or region when there is no power to enforce compliance. Problems arise, and networks of actors are constructed to deal with them in the absence of an international analogue to a domestic government. This system has been termed disaggregated sovereignty.
Improved global problem solving need not involve the establishment of additional powerful formal global institutions. It does involve building consensus on norms and practices. One such area, currently under construction, is the development and improvement of accountability mechanisms. For example, the UN Global Compact brings together companies, UN agencies, labor organizations, and civil society to support universal environmental and social principles.
Participation is entirely voluntary, and there is no enforcement of the principles by an outside regulatory body. Companies adhere to these practices both because they make economic sense, and because stakeholders , especially shareholders , can monitor their compliance easily.
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Mechanisms such as the Global Compact can improve the ability of affected individuals and populations to hold companies accountable. However, corporations participating in the UN Global Compact have been criticized for their merely minimal standards, the absence of sanction-and-control measures, their lack of commitment to social and ecological standards, minimal acceptance among corporations around the world, and the high cost involved in reporting annually to small and medium-sized business . One effect of globalization is the increasing regulation of businesses in the global marketplace.
Jan Aart Scholte asserts, however, that these changes are inadequate to meet the needs: "Along with the general intensified globalization of social relations in contemporary history has come an unprecedented expansion of regulatory apparatuses that cover planetary jurisdictions and constituencies.
On the whole, however, this global governance remains weak relative to pressing current needs for global public policy. Shortfalls in moral standing, legal foundations, material delivery, democratic credentials and charismatic leadership have together generated large legitimacy deficits in existing global regimes. Proposals and initiatives have been developed by various sources to set up networks and institutions operating on a global scale: political parties,  unions,  regional authorities,  and members of parliament in sovereign states.
One of the conditions for building a world democratic governance should be the development of platforms for citizen dialogue on the legal formulation of world governance and the harmonization of objectives. This legal formulation could take the form of a Global Constitution. According to Pierre Calame and Gustavo Marin, "[a] Global Constitution resulting from a process for the institution of a global community will act as the common reference for establishing the order of rights and duties applicable to United Nations agencies and to the other multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization.
Furthermore, the Global Constitution "must clearly express a limited number of overall objectives that are to be the basis of global governance and are to guide the common action of the U. Is the UN capable of taking on the heavy responsibility of managing the planet's serious problems? More specifically, can the UN reform itself in such a way as to be able to meet this challenge? At a time when the financial crisis of is raising the same questions posed by the climate disasters of previous years regarding the unpredictable consequences of disastrous human management, can international financial institutions be reformed in such a way as to go back to their original task, which was to provide financial help to countries in need?
Lack of political will and citizen involvement at the international level has also brought about the submission of international institutions to the " neoliberal " agenda, particularly financial institutions such as the World Bank , the International Monetary Fund , and the World Trade Organization WTO.
Stiglitz points out that the need for international institutions like the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO has never been so great, but people's trust in them has never been so low. One of the key aspects of the United Nations reform is the problem of the representativeness of the General Assembly. The Assembly operates on the principle of "one state, one vote," so that states of hugely varying sizes have the same effect on the vote, which distorts representativeness and results in a major loss of credibility.
Accordingly, "the General Assembly has lost any real capacity to influence. This means that the mechanisms for action and consultation organized by rich countries have the leading role. Gustave Massiah advocates defining and implementing a radical reform of the UN. The author proposes building new foundations that can provide the basis for global democracy and the creation of a Global Social Contract, rooted in the respect and protection of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as in the recognition of the strategic role of international law.
There is the jurisdictional gap, between the increasing need for global governance in many areas - such as health - and the lack of an authority with the power, or jurisdiction, to take action. Moreover, the gap of incentive between the need for international cooperation and the motivation to undertake it. The incentive gap is said to be closing as globalization provides increasing impetus for countries to cooperate. However, there are concerns that, as Africa lags further behind economically, its influence on global governance processes will diminish. At last, the participation gap, which refers to the fact that international cooperation remains primarily the affair of governments, leaving civil society groups on the fringes of policy-making.
On the other hand, globalization of communication is facilitating the development of global civil society movements. Inadequate global institutions, agreements or networks as well as political and national interests may impede global governance and lead to failures.
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Sinclair eds. Policy Studies Journal Submitted manuscript. Retrieved October 17, Karns and Karen A. Mingst Polity Press. European Journal of the History of Economic Thought. Why does anyone pay attention to them? Authority might cause actors to subordinate their own conscious preferences to the directives of the authority and thus, in Robert Dahl's and sense, get one actor to do what she would not otherwise do, but it might also have subtler effects.
Authority might create new preferences in actors who were previously indifferent or at odds. It might change preferences in others who become persuaded to share the authority's views based on its moral standing or expertise. Most notably, networks have contributed to the disaggregation of authority as well as the formation of new collectivities not founded on hierarchical principles.
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If the notion that new rule systems can be founded on horizontal as well as vertical structures of authority seems awkward, it warrants reiterating that the core of effective authority lies in the compliance of those toward whom it is directed. Iddri, Papa and N. Environmental Governance.
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Oxon: Routledge. The debate on a World Environment Organization: An introduction. Stokke, and O. Global Initiative on Sustainable Development. Reviewing Proposals for a World Environment Organization. The World Economy 25 5 pp. Global Governance 9 3 pp. Ecosystems and the biosphere as complex adaptive systems. Ecosystems 1 pp. Reforming international environmental governance: an institutionalist critique of the proposal for a World Environmental Organisation. Politics, Law and Economics 4 pp.
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